Law and the Environment : Environmental Lawyer & Attorney : Foley Hoag Law Firm : Boston, Washington D.C.

The results of EPA’s annual auction of sulfur dioxide (SO₂) allowances under the acid rain program provide empirical support for a proposition that the regulated community repeatedly advances – certainty is critical to the success of complex regulatory regimes. Prices for 2009 allowances fell from last year’s average of $380/ton to $70/ton, or more than 80%. Prices in the 7 year advance auction fell even more dramatically, from $136/ton in 2008 to $6.65/ton, or more than 95%.

The short explanation for the crash in prices? Uncertainty over the fate of EPA’s Clean Air Interstate Rule. Although there may be a number of other factors in play, the consensus seems to be that CAIR is the primary culprit. Having a rule issued, challenged, struck down, vacated, and then temporarily reinstated does not provide much of a basis for rational investment planning by corporations that might need allowances.

The number and identity of the bidders are also interesting. Two bidders purchased more than 98% of the spot auction allowances. One bidder – JP Morgan Ventures Energy Corporation – purchased essentially 100% of the 7 year allowances. (Though you will all be comforted to know that “Bates College Environmental Econ” was able to purchase 2 allowances in both the spot and 7 year auctions.) Of course, most of the allowances are allocated to existing emitters; fewer than 3% of allowances are auctioned. Nonetheless, this seems like remarkably little interest.

Is there a lesson here for a CO₂ cap and trade program? Don’t let the perfect be the enemy of the good might be one candidate. Another would simply be not to tinker too much. The importance of cost certainty in corporate planning may be obvious, but that does not mean that it doesn’t bear repeating in times such as these.

• Email This
• Print
• Comments
• Trackbacks
• Share Link

This week, the practice of mountaintop removal – chopping the tops off mountains in order extract the coal – received two blows: one from EPA and one from Congress. First, EPA offices Region 3 and Region 4 announced that they plans to assess the Central Appalachia Mining's Big Branch project in Pike County, Ky., and the Highland Mining Company's Reylas mine in Logan County, W.Va., before permits are issued for those projects. 

Although the broad brush is important here, so are some of the details. First, both letters raise concerns about the cumulative impacts of multiple mountaintop removal projects. Second, the Region 3 letter raises the possibility that EPA might use its authority under section 404(c) of the Clean Water Act to prohibit issuance of the required permit, noting that the “extensive cumulative and other impacts give this proposed project high potential” for action under § 404(c).  

The second blow was the introduction in Congress of legislation that would prohibit mountaintop removal. Of course, introduction doesn’t guarantee passage, but it does seem notable that one of the two sponsors is Lamar Alexander, both a Republican and a Senator from a coal mining state. Senator Alexander’s support suggests that a tipping point may have been reached on this issue.

• Email This
• Print
• Comments
• Trackbacks
• Share Link

The Empire Strikes Back? Revenge on the NIMBYs? Whatever you want to call it, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce now has a great new web site, called Project No Project, which lists energy projects which have been stalled by local opposition.  The site lists project by state and by type, and explains the status of the project, who the opponents are, and what its prospects seem to be.

It is good to see the Chamber join the digital age and adopt some of the methods of those on the other side of these battles.

Of course, one person’s NIMBY is another’s abomination.  As this story was reported in ClimateWire on Monday, Glenn Wattley, CEO of the Alliance to Preserve Nantucket Sound – the leading opponent of the Cape Wind project – disputed the notion that the group’s opposition to Cape Wind resulted from the NIMBY phenomenon.  Isn’t it amazing that project opponents almost always acknowledge that NIMBYism exists, but always deny that their opposition to the project they are fighting is motivated by NIMBYism?

• Email This
• Print
• Comments
• Trackbacks
• Share Link

A recent post of mine concerning Congressional testimony by Phil Giudice, Commissioner of the Massachusetts Department of Energy Resources, in support of a national building code requiring significant improvements in energy efficiency, has apparently caused heartburn among some of my friends in the development community in Massachusetts. Some folks have asked if I have “drunk the kool-aid.” My selfish responses to these comments are, first, that I’m glad some one is reading the blog and, second, that I’m sorry they are not commenting directly. I really do want discussion.

My third reaction is that a point of clarification seems in order. No, I am not a supporter of the so-called “stretch” building code in Massachusetts, which would allow municipalities, by local option, to promulgate a building code more stringent than the already efficient code recently promulgated by the State Board of Building Regulations and Standards. Local option or not, one building code is enough for Massachusetts.

At the same time, there is little doubt that energy consumption in buildings is going to be a significant piece of the solution to climate change. It’s not all going to come from power plants and mobile sources. Moreover, tough regulations that involve some measure of technology-forcing are almost certainly going to be necessary if we’re going to achieve an 80% reduction in GHG emissions. Just as those in the power generation sector and mobile source sector have had to deal with technology-forcing in the past – and will again going forward with respect to climate change – so too will the building and development sectors.

Finally, from a purely parochial level, if that type of tough technology-forcing regulation is coming in Massachusetts, I want the same tough regulations nationwide; otherwise it’s only going to get more difficult for Massachusetts to compete with other states for new development projects.

If that’s drinking the kool-aid, give me more.

• Email This
• Print
• Comments
• Trackbacks (2)
• Share Link

For those following developments in Superfund cost recovery and contribution case law after the Atlantic Research decision, it seemed worth noting that the Second Circuit Court of Appeals recently held, in W.R. Grace & Co. – Conn. v. Zotos International, Inc., that a party who incurs response costs pursuant to a state consent order has a right to bring an action to recover those response costs under § 107 of CERCLA.

Thus, the 2^nd Circuit has answered the question left open by note 6 in Atlantic Research, and come down on the side of actions under § 107, rather than § 113. Although it is only dicta in Zotos, the 2^nd Circuit also seemed to support the view the claims under § 113 will be narrowly limited to those that really are traditional contribution claims, i.e., actions in which the contribution plaintiff seeks to recover from one party payments that it made to another party – usually the United States or a State – to address the contribution plaintiff’s potential liability under CERCLA.

I’m tempted to say that this result is unsurprising and perhaps even obvious – except that nothing is unsurprising or obvious under CERCLA. As I have previously noted, only the Supreme Court seems to think that interpreting CERCLA is a straightforward exercise, so there is no assurance that the Zotos interpretation will sweep the land.

• Email This
• Print
• Comments
• Trackbacks
• Share Link

RGGI, Inc. the operators of the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI) today announced the results of its third auction of CO₂ allowances, held on March 18, 2009.  The auction offered allowances from all ten states participating in RGGI -- Connecticut, Delaware, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Rhode Island and Vermont. 

 As we noted earlier, new for RGGI’s third auction was that the states offered just under 2.2 million allowances for the 2012 vintage, providing a first-look at future market prices for RGGI allowances. These 2012 allowances sold at a clearing price of $3.05, while the 31.5 million 2009 vintage allowances offered sold at a clearing price of $3.51 per allowance, up nearly 4% from the December 17^th auction’s clearing price of $3.38 and significantly above the initial auction’s clearing price of $3.07. This increase seems particularly notable given current economic conditions.

For the first time, RGGI, Inc. also released the range of bid prices, allowing some insight into how CO₂ is valued by the players in these auctions. Bid prices for the 2009 vintage allowances ranged from $1.86 (the minimum clearing price) to $10.00, while bids for the 2012 vintage allowances ranged from $1.86 to $4.40. Regulated generators and their affiliates continued the trend from the first two auctions of winning the vast majority of the allowances – 78% of 2009 and 93% of 2012.

It is interesting, though not surprising, that 2009 vintage allowances raked in higher bids than the 2012 vintage allowances. Given that RGGI allowances may be banked without limitation and used in future years, the 2009 vintage allowances are arguably more valuable. Even so, the fact that the 2012 vintage allowances sold for $3.05, lower even than the first RGGI auction’s clearing price of $3.07, indicates some lack of confidence in those allowances’ future value. The 2012 allowances are the first to fall within RGGI’s second three-year compliance period (2012-2015), which is significant because 2015 is the first year that the RGGI cap begins its annual process of ratcheting down 2.5%. One might think that this feature would make the allowances more valuable.  However, there remains significant uncertainty regarding what the carbon emission market will look like in 2012, whether there will be a national cap-and-trade system, and whether RGGI will still exist. Given that uncertainty, this relatively low price is understandable.

• Email This
• Print
• Comments
• Trackbacks
• Share Link

As we noted previously, in the face of efforts to include language in the stimulus bill exempting stimulus projects from the requirements of NEPA, Senator Boxer proposed what you can describe either as a compromise or a fig leaf. Section 1609 of the bill provides that NEPA reviews will be expedited and resources will be devoted to facilitate such expedited reviews. According to the Environmental Reporter today, CEQ is going to be providing guidance to federal agencies on how to conduct such expedited reviews.

Despite my normal skepticism about agency guidance documents, such guidance would almost certainly be welcome in these circumstances. Agencies are obviously going to be under a lot of pressure to get the stimulus money out the door and CEQ is not going to want to be in the position taking the blame for being an obstacle. I am therefore hopeful that the guidance will indeed help facilitate these projects. If citizen suits are brought challenging the NEPA review for any particular project, CEQ’s interpretation of what’s acceptable should receive Chevron deference, thus likely insulating agency decisions resulting from following procedures promulgated by CEQ pursuant to § 1609. 

In related news, new CEQ Chair Nancy Sutley has said that she wants “higher-level policymakers” to be more involved in NEPA reviews at their agencies than they have been in the past. If such early involvement is used to identify and resolve issues before they become problems, then who would not be pleased at this initiative? On the other hand, if such involvement is a mechanism for CEQ to have greater influence on agency decision-making, then I would be less sure of the benefits and more worried that politically sensitive agency decisions will just get bogged down, without any corresponding improvement in the quality of agency decision-making.

• Email This
• Print
• Comments
• Trackbacks
• Share Link

In connection with the nomination of Cass Sunstein to head the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs at OMB, I noted my hope that the Obama administration would be a Nixon in China moment for regulatory reform. Given the administration’s aggressive early steps to combat global warming and to roll back some of the more extreme moves by the Bush EPA, the new administration could, if it chooses, give regulatory reform back its good name.

So far, the signs are not encouraging. In February, EPA announced that it was deferring until May 18 the effective date of the NSR aggregation amendments that the Bush administration promulgated on their way out the door. Notwithstanding the midnight rulemaking feel to issuance of rules five days before inauguration of a new administration, the aggregation amendments seem to me to be little more than a common sense reform of an often mind-bogglingly complex set of regulations, i.e, the NSR/PSD rules. The aggregation amendments would have clarified EPA’s rules on aggregation of projects for NSR jurisdictional purposes so that only projects that are “substantially related” need be aggregated.

Unfortunately, the NRDC appears to be feeling its collective oats and, not surprisingly, EPA seems to listen the NRDC more than they listen to me. Last week, EPA announced that it was proposing to further defer implementation of the aggregation amendments, until November 18, 2009. 

While EPA has not yet withdrawn the aggregation amendments, this latest move has to mean that they are on life support.  I fear, to mix yet one more metaphor, that the baby of regulatory reform is rapidly going down the drain with the bathwater of the Bush administration.

• Email This
• Print
• Comments
• Trackbacks (3)
• Share Link

An update to a development we noted a few weeks ago --  as reported by Climate Wire today, at the national meeting of the National Association of Insurance Commissioners (NAIC) yesterday, regulatory officials from all 50 states, the District of Columbia and five U.S. territories (American Samoa, Guam, Northern Mariana Islands, Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands) unanimously voted in favor of rules requiring insurers to disclose the impacts of climate change on their business decisions. 

The mandatory survey's adoption comes shortly after Maplecroft, a British risk management firm, reported that, although third world countries are more likely to experience climate-related fatalities, the US ranks #1 in the study's list of nations facing financial climate risk, and averaged $18 billion annually in economic losses from natural disasters between 1980 and 2008. 

As insurance is regulated by each state independently, the climate risk rules must still be adopted by individual states in order to be enforced.  Nonetheless, given that all members voted in favor of the rules, adoption seems likely.   To ensure that the rules are applied evenly, the NAIC Climate Change Task Force plans to monitor states' actions and collect sample answers from insurers to see how the surveys are completed. 

• Email This
• Print
• Comments
• Trackbacks
• Share Link

Greenwire reported yesterday that EPA plans to issue its endangerment finding on emissions of greenhouses gases, in response to Massachusetts v. EPA, by the end of April. Greenwire also released EPA’s internal presentation regarding its recommendation to the Administrator.

Although EPA’s anticipated decision is not a surprise, it is still noteworthy. Among the highlights:

• The finding will conclude that greenhouse gas emissions endanger public health (the proposed endangerment finding that the Bush administration EPA had prepared, but then withdrew, was limited to public welfare issues.
• The finding will apparently note that there are environmental justice implications associated with climate change. This is particularly interesting, given that there is also concern that there are equity issues associated with the likely responses to climate change – Warren Buffett this week described a cap-and-trade plan has as a “regressive tax.”
• EPA’s preferred option at this point is to base the endangerment finding on identifying the entire group of GHG as the “air pollutants” that cause the endangerment. One specific rationale is that doing so will facilitate flexibility in setting standards for these pollutants. In other words, if GHG are grouped together, EPA will be able to propose a regulatory program that will allow netting and offsets among the different GHGs. 

Other than the nod to regulatory flexibility provided by grouping GHGs, EPA has not tipped its hand regarding the nature of any regulatory regime for GHGs, let alone when it might be able to propose and finalize such regulations. Doing so remains a gargantuan task. 

Moreover, while EPA is clearly committed to addressing this issue, if one believes the statements of Congressional committee chairs to the effect that climate change legislation will get done promptly, there is a certain logic to waiting for such direct legislative authority. On the other hand, fear of what EPA may do remains part of the calculus on Capital Hill, so EPA may decide to move forward aggressively with regulatory development under current Clean Air Act authority simply in order to keep pressure on Congress. 

It’s going to be a busy – and interesting – year.

• Email This
• Print
• Comments
• Trackbacks (1)
• Share Link

The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) today proposed regulations which create the first nationwide system for reporting emissions of CO₂ and other greenhouse gases emitted by major sources in the US.  The proposed regulations are promulgated pursuant to the FY2008 Consolidated Appropriations Act  which was signed into law in December 2007, and instructs the EPA to require mandatory reporting of greenhouse gas emissions in all sectors of the economy.  Approximately 13,000 facilities will be subject to the rule, accounting for 85% to 90% of greenhouse gases emitted in the U.S.   Despite this large number, EPA believes that most small businesses will not be subject to the rule, as the primary threshold is set at 25,000 metric tons of CO₂ equivalent, an amount equal to the emissions from 2,200 homes, 58,000 barrels of oil, or 131 rail cars of coal.

In addition to facilities that directly emit 25,000 metric tons of CO₂ equivalent per year, the proposed rule also requires suppliers of fossil fuels and industrial greenhouse gases, as well as manufacturers of vehicles and engines, to submit annual reports to EPA, cataloging all 6 greenhouse gases.  The rule does not require control or caps on emissions, but only that the sources monitor and report greenhouse gas emissions. EPA will use the data gathered from this reporting process to formulate and assess the impacts of future policies.

Interestingly, the rule requires reporting of emissions from both upstream production facilities and downstream emission sources, which could result in some double-reporting of emissions – for instance reporting of emissions by both an upstream supplier of fuel oil and the large end-user facility who burns the oil. In guidance that accompanies the proposed regulation, EPA clarifies that such double reporting is consistent with the appropriations language, and will provide information to EPA to craft policies that address both sides, such as cap and trade upstream and end-use emissions standards downstream.

If adopted, the proposed rule would require reporters to submit their first annual greenhouse gas emissions report by March 31, 2011, based on emissions data from 2010.  Facilities who already report emissions data quarterly (such as for the Acid Rain Program) would continue to report quarterly. Requirements for vehicle and engine manufacturers would kick in with the 2011 model year.

For the majority of reporters, EPA will collect data at the facility level. Vehicle and engine manufacturers, fossil fuel importers/exporters and local gas distribution companies will report at the corporate level. Verification of reported data will be verified by EPA, as in other Clean Air Act programs.

For more information on which facilities are subject to the rule and what emissions they will have to report, we recommend this chart, from EPA guidance.

• Email This
• Print
• Comments
• Trackbacks
• Share Link

Although it appeared initially as though Congress might be the first to move towards greater regulation of coal ash following the TVA spill, EPA has seized the initiative. Yesterday, Administrator Jackson announced a two-pronged initiative. First, EPA has issued information requests to facilities maintaining coal ash impoundments in order to gather information necessary to support new regulations. Second, she confirmed that EPA will indeed then promulgate regulations designed to prevent future spills.

In response to the Administrator’s announcement, Nick Rahall, Chairman of the House Natural Resources Committee withdrew his own coal ash regulation bill, H.R. 493, from mark-up.

EPA has not yet tipped its hand regarding the likely nature of such regulations, including whether coal ash would be handled as hazardous waste under RCRA or whether it would instead be handled as a solid waste.  Facilities operating coal-fired power plants have likely resigned themselves to increased regulation of coal ash, but could be expected to fight tooth and nail against efforts to regulate ash as a hazardous waste.  Such regulation would greatly increase management/disposal costs and would preclude many current reuses of coal ash.

• Email This
• Print
• Comments
• Trackbacks
• Share Link

As the New York Times reported on Friday, New York Governor David Paterson may increase the number of carbon allowances that New York gives to power plants for free, creating a significant policy departure from New York's earlier approach to RGGI.   New York, together with seven other RGGI states, had earlier committed to auction nearly 100% of its allowances.  As such, New York gave away only a small portion of its allowances this year (1.5 million out of 62 million) through a program designed to lessen the impact of RGGI on the price of electricity. Paterson's proposed adjustment would increase that number four-fold, giving away 6 million allowances to regulated power plants, at an estimated value of $21.9 million per year.  That money could have otherwise been used by the state to fund energy efficiency programs.  

If New York were to change its allocation structure, the state would have to reopen its regulations, and any change would require notice and public comment.  As a result, any changes would not impact the next auction, scheduled for March 18th, or, apparently, the following two in June and September.  Although New York controls 31% of the allowances in the RGGI program, this potential shift would not affect overall carbon emissions from power plants.  Both the amount of allowances allocated to New York and the total number of allowances in the RGGI program are capped. 

Regardless of the number of allowances now to be allocated, the change is potentially politically significant. The statement from the Governor's office is framed in neutral language -- "we have an obligation to monitor how a program is working and advance any needed changes to make the program more effective."  Nonetheless, one wonders whether the lawsuit filed last month by Indeck against New York, alleging that the state agencies did not have the authority from the New York legislature to implement the program, played any part in the Governor's decision.  That lawsuit and this potential change in New York's allocation structure are both underpinned by the idea that New York's implementation of RGGI adversely affects against electric generators that are bound by long-term fixed-price contracts, and cannot pass the added price of allowances on to consumers. 

New York's shift might also make it more difficult for the other RGGI states to stick with their 100% auction, in face of pressure from industry groups to increase allocation, though, as ClimateWire reports, some state leaders have discounted the potential impact. It also remains to be seen what effect this will have on the national debate.  As we noted last week, the debate over how a cap-and-trade or carbon tax would operate is beginning to heat up.  Since RGGI is the nation's first CO2 cap-and-trade system to be implemented, experiences with RGGI are likely to have a significant impact on national legislation.

• Email This
• Print
• Comments
• Trackbacks
• Share Link

We previously noted efforts by Massachusetts to require greater energy efficiency in new construction through revisions to the state building code. The Massachusetts Global Warming Solutions Act requires adoption of a more energy efficient code. Massachusetts is also pursuing an even more aggressive “Stretch” code, that municipalities would have the option of adopting.

Yesterday, Massachusetts took this green building message to Washington. The Environment Reporter states that Phil Giudice, Commissioner of the Massachusetts Department of Energy Resources, testified before the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee in favor of Congressional action to require states to require at least a 30% increase in energy efficiency over current standards. The 30% figure appears to be a minimum. Mr. Giudice stated that a requirement for a 50% reduction would be even better.

There is little doubt that there is a lot of the proverbial low-hanging fruit to be picked with respect to energy efficiency in buildings. It’s good to see Massachusetts taking its message onto the national stage.  At least this way, if such legislation is enacted, Massachusetts won’t be at a competitive disadvantage compared to other states whose codes currently do not require significant improvements in energy efficiency!

• Email This
• Print
• Comments
• Trackbacks (1)
• Share Link

As we noted last week, President Obama’s budget includes revenue from auctioning 100% of allowances under a cap-and-trade system. ClimateWire today reports two competing versions of the prospects for a 100% auction approach. First, the Southern Alliance for Clean Energy signed up a number of economists, including Franklin Fisher of MIT, in support of the President’s plan to auction all allowances from the get-go. Part of the argument reflects environmental justice concerns, stemming from the recognition that a cap-and-trade program will increase utility costs. The Southern Alliance is expecting that some of the auction proceeds would be rebated back to low-income consumers, thus cushioning that blow.

As ClimateWire notes, the U.S. Climate Action Partnership, which includes the NRDC, EDF, and the Nature Conservancy, has already lined up behind a plan that would allocate up to 40% of allowances to industry at the beginning of the program, with the amount of allocated allowances decreasing to zero over time.

In the same issue, ClimateWire reported that Abyd Karmali, the head of carbon emissions for Merrill Lynch, has concluded that the President’s proposal won’t fly in today’s economy.  Mr. Karmali predicts that not more than 30% - 50% of allowances will be auctioned initially.

Will the President get his way or is Mr. Karmali correct?  Over the past year, people have underestimated President Obama at their peril.  At the same time, it’s hard to argue with Mr. Karmali’s assessment of the current political climate.  Unless we get some prompt political climate change, I’d guess that a 100% auction approach remains some years away.

• Email This
• Print
• Comments
• Trackbacks
• Share Link